قتل‌عام زندانیان سیاسی در سال ۱۳۶۷

گرمیداشت خاطره شهیدان قتل عام بر مزارشان در خاوران

مرداد سال67 بدون شک در سینه تاریخ ایران حک شده و هرگز فراموش نخواهد شد. این 
ماه از یک‌سو یادآور برگ زرّینی از فداکاری و وفاداری به آرمان آزادی و پای‌بندی به اصول و از سوی دیگر افشاگر اوج شقاوت و بی‌رحمی خمینی و دار و دسته جنایتکار حاکمش بوده و خواهد بود

به‌دنبال به‌گل نشستن کشی جنگ ضدمیهنی و سرکشیدن جام زهر آتش‌بس و رعشه سرنگونی، خمینی خون‌آشام یکی از فجیع‌ترین جنایات ضدبشری در تاریخ معاصر را، با قتل‌عام هزاران زندانی سیاسی رقم زد

زمینه‌های این کشتار هولناک و بی‌رحمانه که یک توطئه سیاه برای نسل‌کشی فرزندان راستین مردم ایران بود، به‌دستور شخص خمینی و از سالها قبل فراهم شده بود. ماشین کشتار و قتل‌عام سراسری زندانیان سیاسی از 28تیر (درست یک‌روز پس از سرکشیدن جام‌ زهر آتش‌بس) شروع به‌کار کرد ولی تمرکز و بیشترین آمار کشتار بین 5 تا 25مرداد بود. این کشتار در شهریورماه نیز استمرار یافت. زندانیان مقاوم و مبارز سایر گروهها نیز در شهریورماه به خیل شهیدان قتل‌عام پیوستند. این کشتار تا چند ماه در سراسر زندانهای کشور ادامه داشت. البته ادامه این کشتار به اشکال و ترفندهای مختلف تا سال 68 ادامه یافت.

هدف اصلی، کشتار و از بین بردن کلیه زندانیان مجاهد و مبارزی بود که طی سالیان با مقاومت قهرمانانه خود و تحمل سرفرازانه تمامی سختی‌ها و شکنجه‌های قرون‌وسطایی دژخیمان، برگ زرینی از مقاومت و فداکاری را در تاریخ معاصر میهن‌مان رقم زده بودند.

در آن روزهای سیاه، «هیأت مرگ» خمینی مرکب از سرسپرده‌ترین عناصر وزارت اطلاعات، دادستانی، قوه به‌اصطلاح قضاییه و سرکردگان زندانها با تمهیدات و تدابیر شدید امنیتی، اجرای طرحی را که از سالها پیش مدنظر داشته و از زمستان سال 66 تدارکش را در اغلب زندانهای سراسر کشور دیده بودند، به‌طور متمرکز آغاز کردند.

«هیأت مرگ» در یک مکالمه چند دقیقه‌ای حکم قتل مجاهدین و مبارزین اسیر را صادر می‌کرد. بنا‌به ‌شهادت بازماندگان این واقعه هولناک، زندگی یا مرگ یک مجاهد از سوی هیأت مرگ تنها با یک معیار رقم زده می‌شد؛ این‌که مجاهد اسیر هویت خود را چگونه بیان می‌کند؛ «مجاهد!» یا «منافق»! این‌جا بود که حکم قتل آنان با قساوتی مافوق تصور صادر می‌شد، قساوتی که با هیچیک از موازین شناخته شده رفتار با اسیران و زندانیان قابل مقایسه نیست. این در حالی بود که تمامی اسیران، حتی بر اساس قانون خود رژیم دارای حکم بوده و بسیاری از آنان سالها از پایان حکم‌شان گذشته بود.

زندانهای اوین و گوهردشت، مرکز این کشتار بودند. اما به گواهی شاهدان هیچ زندان و شهر و روستایی از این کشتار در امان نماند. آن‌چنان که پس از گذشت ربع قرن، هنوز هم ابعاد و اسرار این قتل‌عام هولناک در کمیّت و کیفیت واقعیش در پرده ابهام است. هنوز خانواده‌های بی‌شماری از سرنوشت فرزندان‌شان بی‌خبرند! هنوز رژیم آخوندی اطلاعی از سرنوشت بی‌شمار زندانیان سیاسی که نام و مشخصات‌شان در زندانها و دادگاههایش ثبت شده، به خانواده‌هایشان نداده است. برای مشخص شدن ابعاد این جنایت در این‌جا خوب است به افشاگری یکی از عناصر ریزشی رژیم اشاره کنیم.

این کشتار فجیع و بی‌سابقه با حکم کتبی و نظارت مستقیم شخص خمینی صورت گرفت. بعد از پذیرش قطعنامه و سرکشیدن جام زهر توسط خمینی، کلیه پاسداران و حتی کارکنان اداری زندان در آماده‌باش کامل قرار گرفتند! تمام مرخصی‌های زندانبانان و کارکنان زندان لغو گردید. ملاقات زندانیان به‌طور کامل قطع شد. تلویزیون و روزنامه‌ها از بندها جمع شد. کلیه امکانات ارتباطی کارکنان زندان با خارج از زندان قطع و تنها یک خط تلفن در اختیار «کمیسیون مرگ» قرار گرفت. به‌ تمامی کارکنان اداری، نگهبانان و پاسداران دستور داده شد تا در قتل زندانیان شرکت نمایند، این‌کار با این هدف صورت گرفت تا با آلوده کردن کارکنان زندان به جنایت، اسرارشان برملا نگردد. تنها معدودی از شاهدان مستقیم آن جنایت هولناک توانستند از آن قتل‌عام جان بدر ببرند و تعداد اندکی از این شاهدان توانستند از جهنم آخوندها خارج شده و در مقابل مراجع بین‌المللی شهادت بدهند.

از همان هفته‌های اول شروع قتل‌عام‌ها، رهبر مقاومت برادر مجاهد مسعود رجوی و سازمان مجاهدین خلق ایران، اقدام به افشای آن و تلاش برای توقف این جنایت کردند و اعتراضات گسترده‌یی از طرف مقاومت ایران صورت گرفت. به‌دنبال این اقدامات و انعکاس گسترده بین‌المللی، رژیم مجبور شد دیگر نتواند در ابعاد گسترده اعدامها را ادامه دهد ولی به شیوه‌های دیگر متوسل شد. یکی از این شیوه‌ها سیاست آدم‌ربایی و ترور مجاهدینی بود که قصد خروج از کشور و پیوستن به ارتش آزادیبخش را داشتند، نام برد. رژیم بعد از دستگیری این مجاهدین، مسئولیت دستگیری آنها را به‌عهده نگرفته بلکه در اقداماتی ساختگی و با ارسال نامه از طرف مجاهدین دستگیر شده به خانواده‌هایشان چنین وانمود کند که این مجاهدین به سازمان پیوسته‌اند و در پایگاههای سازمان در حال آموزش و... هستند، تا بدین‌ترتیب رد خود را گم کرده و بتواند هم با دست باز مجاهدان دستگیر شده را شکنجه و اعدام کند و هم مسئولیت آن را برعهده نگیرد. یکی دیگر از این شیوه‌های استمرار قتل‌عام، اعدام مجاهدین تحت‌عنوان قاچاقچی و... بود.

دراین‌جا برای نشان‌دادن شیوه‌های رژیم ضدبشری به نمونه‌هایی از هر دو شیوه فوق می‌پردازیم:

سیاست «آدم‌ربایی، ترور، پنهانکاری و فریب»! 

بررسیهای دقیق آماری و انبوه اسناد و مدارک موجود، همچنین گزارشات و مصاحبه با شاهدان‌ عینی که توسط واحد تحقیق شهیدان قتل‌عام تا کنون به‌عمل آمده است؛ نشان می‌دهد که در سال 1366 پس از تأسیس ارتش آزادیبخش ملی ایران. رژیم آخوندی به‌منظور مقابله با موج پیوستن و اعزام جوانان انقلابی و زندانیان سیاسی آزاد شده، به ارتش ‌آزادیبخش، رژیم ضدبشری از سیاست «آدم‌ربایی، ترور، پنهانکاری و فریب!» استفاده کرده است. با در نظر گرفتن شرایط سیاسی‌–‌اجتماعی آن دوران، می‌توان اهداف رژیم از اتخاذ این سیاست را در دو محور زیر خلاصه کرد:

اولا: رژیم به این وسیله می‌توانست از طریق آدم‌ربایی، ترور و قتل هواداران سازمان با موج پیوستن به ارتش آزادی‌بخش‌ملی، که در طول سال 66 و بخشی از سال 67 اوج گرفته بود، مقابله نماید! 

ثانیا: در عین‌حال از فشارهای بین‌المللی و صدور قطعنامه‌های محکومیت علیه نقض حقوق‌بشر در ایران از طریق برگرداندن برگ حقوق‌بشر بر روی خود مجاهدین جنایت علیه بشریت را مشروع جلوه دهد! 

وزارت بدنام اطلاعات آخوندی برای پیشبرد این سیاست کثیف خود از طریق فریب خانواده فرد مفقود شده، با صحنه‌سازیهای خاص آخوندی، این‌طور وانمود می‌کرد که گویا اعضای خانواده آنها نزد مجاهدین در منطقه مرزی و یا در دفاتر سازمان در پاکستان هستند! تا به این ترتیب از عواقب سیاسی و اجتماعی این جنایت، خود را خلاص نمایند! 

خواهر مجاهد اعظم نیاکان خواهر بزرگتر مجاهد شهید زهرا نیاکان در نامه‌یی به واحد تحقیق شهیدان قتل‌عام سال 67 در این باره می‌نویسد:

«... وقتی خانواده برای پیگیری وضعیت زهرا به دادستانی! مراجعه می‌کنند دادستانی در پاسخ به خانواده می‌گوید: ”بروید از مجاهدین سراغ او را بگیرید آنها او (زهرا) را برده‌اند»... ! 

در تحقیقاتی که تا کنون به‌عمل آمده است نمونه‌های بسیاری از شهیدان را می‌توان نام برد که با همین روش سربه‌نیست شده‌اند، از جمله شهیدان مجاهد، ابراهیم و زهرا طاهری، زهرا نیاکان و لیلا مدائن، نرگس خانبان، سیامک طوبایی، حسن افتخارجو، جواد تقوی قهی، محمد سلامی و بسیاری دیگر از شهیدان که شرح گزارشات تک به تک آنها در حوصله این مقاله نیست و به هر یک در جای خود پرداخته خواهد شد. اما برای روشن شدن این سیاست کثیف در این‌جا تنها به تشریح یک نمونه اکتفا می‌کنیم.

دو تن از مجاهدانی که به این شیوه سربه‌نیست شده‌اند ابراهیم و زهرا طاهری خواهر و برادری هستند که در سال 66 بقصد پیوستن به ارتش آزادیبخش ملی هنگام خروج از کشور در مرز پاکستان دستگیر و از سال 67 تا کنون هیچ اطلاعی از آنان در دست نیست! قاسم طاهری برادر بزرگتر آنها طی گزارشی به واحدتحقیق شهیدان قتل‌عام67 در رابطه با مفقود شدن برادر و خواهرش چنین می‌نویسد:

«... وزارت اطلاعات ابراهیم و زهرا را که با هم در سال 66 از داخل به‌سمت پاکستان می‌رفتند دستگیر کرد، آنها به یک کانال آلوده وصل شده و در تور وزارت اطلاعات قرار داشتند. وزارت اطلاعات برای این‌که رد گم کند و به خانواده بگوید که آنها دستگیر نشده‌اند بلکه به پاکستان و بعد هم به عراق! نزد مجاهدین رفته‌اند، در دو نوبت عکس دوتایی آنها را در زیر قاب‌عکس خواهر مریم و برادر مسعود! همراه با یک نامه دست نوشته و بدون تاریخ! برای مادرم ارسال می‌کند. یکبار به‌عنوان این‌که در پاکستان هستند یعنی به سلامت از کشور خارج شدند! و بار دیگر نامه‌یی از عراق! یعنی این‌که آنها به سلامت در منطقه و نزد سازمان رسیده‌اند. عکسها و نامه‌ها نزد خودم موجود است»... 

قاسم در ادامه گزارش خود به تناقض این نامه اشاره کرده و می‌نویسد: «... تناقض مسأله این‌جاست که من سالها پیش از آمدن آنها در منطقه بودم و به‌راحتی به من دسترسی داشتند و اگر آنان به منطقه آمده بودند من کمتر چند ساعت می‌توانستم با آنان ملاقات داشته و حداقل این بود که در یکی از این عکسها حضور می‌داشتم»... قاسم طاهری در نامه‌اش به واحدتحقیق، به‌نقل از یکی از اقوامش نوشته است: «یک خواهر زندانی به خانواده‌ام گفته است که اواخر سال66 زهرا را در بهداری اوین دیده‌اند»... (با توجه به صحنه سازیهای وزارت اطلاعات در این زمینه خانواده تصور می‌کرد زهرا همراه برادرش به سازمان پیوسته و در منطقه نزد سازمان می‌باشند، لذا خبر دیده شدن زهرا در اوین را جدی نگرفته و آن را اشتباه فرض کرده بودند... !» 

حلق‌آویز در ملأعام تحت عناوین مختلف! 

همان‌طور که در سطور بالا گفته شد یکی از شیوه‌هایی که رژیم اعدامها را با عناوین و پوش‌های مختلف ادامه می‌دهد حلق‌آویز زندانیان سیاسی تحت‌عنوان قاچاقچی موادمخدر و... بود. مجموع گزارش‌های بازماندگان و شاهدان قتل‌عام نشان می‌دهد که در پاییز و زمستان سال67 (حتی در مقاطعی در سال68) بسیاری از زندانیان سیاسی را تحت‌عنوان قاچاقچی موادمخدر! در دسته‌های7تا 20نفره در شهرهای تهران، کرمانشاه، هرسین، ایلام، دزفول، گرمسار، ساوه، ورامین، کرج، بریز، مشهد، بندرعباس و… بدار آویخته‌اند. در میدان امام‌حسین تهران مجاهد شهید همایون صولتی، در حالی که 6سال از پایان محکومیتش می‌گذشت، به اتهام قاچاقچی مواد مخدر حلق‌آویز شد. در همان صحنه پیش از اعدام به هنگام قرائت حکم اعدام از سوی نماینده به‌اصطلاح دادستان، همایون فریاد می‌زند: «مردم بدانید من همایون صولتی مجاهدم و قاچاقچی نیستم» در گزارش یکی از شاهدان صحنه چنین آمده است: ”همایون را سال 67 در میدان امام حسین تحت عنوان قاچاقچی حلق‌آویز کردند ولی او موفق شد به جمعیتی که آنجا بودند این پیام را بدهد که «مردم بدانید من همایون صولتی مجاهدم و قاچاقچی نیستم» “. همایون به این ترتیب تا آخرین لحظات حیات پر‌بارش دست از افشاگری برنداشت و نقاب از چهره «دیو جماران» که خود را نماینده خدا بر روی زمین وانمود می‌کرد برداشت.

از نمونه‌های دیگر اعدام زندانیان تحت‌نام قاچاقچی، می‌توان به اعدام تعدادی از هواداران مجاهدین که دارای مذهب اهل‌حق بودند اشاره کرد، در بهمن ماه 1367 رژیم ضدبشری به نام قاچاقچی در ملارد کرج، یعنی محل زندگی‌شان، بدار آویخت و در روزنامه‌های خودش
هم اعلام کرد

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گرامی باد سالگرد حماسه میهنی و عقیدتی فرغ جاویدان

Anniversary ofKhomeini’s fatwa which led to 1988 massacre in Iran

 Tuesday, 26 July 2016 08:46

NCRI - In the summer of 1988, the Iranian regime summarily and extra-judicially executed tens of thousands of political prisoners held in jails across Iran. This massacre was carried out on the basis of a fatwa by the regime’s then-Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini.

There are strong indications that Khomeini’s fatwa, which led to the massacre of some 30,000 political prisoners in Iran, was issued on July 26, 1988.

The Iranian regime has never acknowledged these executions, or provided any information as to how many prisoners were killed.

The majority of those executed were either serving prison sentences for their political activities or had already finished their sentences but were still kept in prison.

Some of them had previously been imprisoned and released, but were again arrested and executed during the massacre.

The wave of massacre of political prisoners began in late July and continued unabated for several months.

By the time it ended in the autumn of 1988, some 30,000 political prisoners, the overwhelming majority activists of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI or MEK), were slaughtered.

A site of a mass grave for some of the victims of the 1988 massacre of political prisoners in Iran

Mass executions of prisoners in 1988 begins with Khomeini’s death decree

In the final phases of the Iran-Iraq war, Khomeini who felt that defeat was imminent, decided to take his revenge on the political prisoners. He issued fatwas (religious decrees) ordering the execution of anyone who had not “repented” and who was not willing to collaborate entirely with the regime.

The massacres began, and everyday hundreds of political prisoners were hanged and their corpses were buried hurriedly in mass graves all over major cities, in particular Tehran.

Khomeini decreed: "Whoever at any stage continues to belong to the Monafeqin (the regime’s derogatory term to describe the PMOI/MEK) must be executed. Annihilate the enemies of Islam immediately." He went on to add: "... Those who are in prisons throughout the country and remain steadfast in their support for the MEK/PMOI are waging war on God and are condemned to execution... It is naive to show mercy to those who wage war on God."

Khomeini's "Death Decree" for mass executions of Iranian political prisoners in 1988

“Death Commission” of 1988 massacre of political prisoners

Khomeini assigned an "Amnesty Commission" for prisons. In reality it was a "Death Commission” comprised of the three individuals: A representative of the Ministry of Intelligence, a religious judge and a prosecutor. The final decision rested with the Intelligence Ministry official. They held a trial for a few minutes that resembled more of an integration session. The questions were focused on whether the inmate continued to have any allegiances to the PMOI (MEK). The PMOI prisoners made up more than 90 percent of those taken before the “Death Commission.” If the prisoners were not willing to collaborate totally with the regime against the PMOI, it was viewed as a sign of sympathy to the organization and the sentence was immediate execution. The task of the Death Commission was to determine whether a prisoner was a so-called “Enemy of God” or not. In the case of Mojahedin prisoners, that determination was often made after only a single question about their party affiliation. Those who said "Mojahedin" rather than the derogatory "Monafeqin" were sent to be hanged.

Members of the death commission

Khomeini's heir protests haste of executions prisoners in 1988 massacre

The haste to execute was so abhorrent that some of Khomeini's closest confidantes, most notably, Hossein Ali Montazeri, Khomeini's heir apparent, had doubts and protested it. In letters to Khomeini, Montazeri urged for some leniency and slowing down. But Khomeini ordered there should be mercy for no one, including teenagers. He said pregnant women should not be spared or have the chance to give birth to their child and should be executed immediately.

In December 2000, Montazeri published his memoirs. The book revealed shocking documents on the atrocities committed by the clerical regime, none as horrendous as the massacre of 30,000 political prisoners in 1988 on the orders of Khomeini.

Montazeri’s book was not the first document informing the world of this massacre. News of the carnage had already begun to trickle through the iron curtain of censorship imposed by the mullahs to ensure a complete blackout on their crime.

Text of Montazeri’s letter to Khomeini on July 31, 1988, complaining that mass execution of Mojahedin (PMOI/MEK) prisoners would only enhance their legitimacy and popular appeal.

Khomeini required total conformity from the regime's officials

All officials of the regime at the time had to conform fully to this massacre or they would be sacked or deposed. Ayatollah Montazeri, who protested the massacre, fell from grace and was sacked by Khomeini in March 1989. Montzaeri’s memoirs in December 2000 and its shocking enclosures exposed the horrendous scale of the massacre. What gave weight to the revelations is that they were made by a man who was at the time of the executions the officially ordained successor to Khomeini and the second highest authority in Iran. Yet when it came to massacring political prisoners, Khomeini showed no mercy to slightest nonconformity even by Montazeri.

Role of Hassan Rouhani in 1988 massacre of political prisoners

Hassan Rouhani was Deputy Commander-in-chief of the regime's armed forces at the time. Furthermore, since 1982 he was a member of the regime’s Supreme Defense Council and a member of the Central Council of the War Logistics Headquarters.

In those positions, he was fully cognizant of this hideous crime and obviously was in full conformity.
This shows that the notion that Rouhani is a “moderate” and “reform minded” is absolutely preposterous and baseless. Actually he, like all other senior officials of the regime, is a culprit of this hideous crime.

International assessment

There has been little international attention to this crime against humanity.
In 2008, twenty years after the massacre Amnesty International "renewed its call for those responsible for the 'prison massacre' to be held accountable. There should be no impunity for such gross human rights violations, regardless of when they were committed." Amnesty added: "Those responsible for the killings - one of the worst abuses to be committed in Iran - should be prosecuted and tried before a regularly and legally constituted court and with all necessary procedural guarantees, in accordance with international fair trial standards."

Justice not yet served

The massacre of 1988 remains to be one of the darkest stains on the recent history of mankind, as one of the least exposed and discussed.

Some human rights experts have described it as the greatest crime against humanity in the 20th Century following World War II that has gone unpunished.

It is the darkest irony of this very dark episode, that of all its human rights violations the Iranian regime has been most successful at keeping the 1988 killings a secret from the international community and even from many Iranians. By now, virtually everyone knows of the reign of terror that immediately followed the Islamic Revolution, the Iranian government's assassination campaign abroad, and the "Chain Murders" that targeted opposition intellectuals and activists in the late 1990s. Tragically, however, there is very little public awareness of the 1988 executions.

Not only has there been no prosecution of the criminals who orchestrated and carried out that summer's gruesome murders, but the regime continues to deny that they even occurred.

The Iranian regime continues to deny the 1988 elimination of opposition prisoners. None of the perpetrators or masterminds have been brought to justice and none of the regime's senior officials including the current Supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, have been held accountable.

The pervasive silence of the past 28 years should be shattered. The UN should launch an independent investigation into one of the most hideous crimes against humanity after the Second World War.

Ambassador Bloomfield: the West's misunderstandings about Iran

 Tuesday, 26 July 2016 22:09

NCRI - Ambassador Lincoln P. Bloomfield Jr. gave an interview to the ‘Alliance for Public Awareness - Iranian Communities in Europe’, on the side-lines of the Free Iranrally on July 9 in Paris, in which he spoke about the fundamental misunderstandings by successive U.S. officials of both the Iranian regime and the Iranian Resistance.

Ambassador Bloomfield was U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Political Military Affairs from 2001-2005, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern affairs (1992-1993), Deputy Assistant to the Vice President for National Security Affairs (1991-1992), and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (1988-1989).

The U.S., he said, was "illiterate" about the significance of June 20, 1981 when the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI or MEK) tried to uphold a "glorious outpouring of democracy," and Khomeini's theocrats "shot their way to power." From the failure to appreciate the true meaning of this event have flowed a number of other misperceptions that are only now being corrected - although "the work goes on" to dispel "a global influence operation" by the regime's Intelligence Ministry (MOIS).

For about two and a half years after the revolution, the PMOI used the little political openness that existed to spread their message and garner support. On June 20, 1981, a peaceful demonstration by half-a-million PMOI supporters in Tehran was turned into a bloodbath on the orders of Khomeini, and the PMOI were forced to go underground and begin a Resistance campaign to expose and unseat the Khomeini regime.

On the one hand, the US does not understand that the regime's illegitimacy makes it behave in certain ways, and that factional fighting is best understood as a contest about how to maintain "one man's religious dictatorship," or velayat-e faqih, rather than about how to reform it. As such, President Obama's hope that the nuclear deal would lead to détente with a moderating government was misplaced. The regime has not only "cheated" on the nuclear deal known as the JCPOA, but its domestic and international behaviour has worsened.

On the other hand, the US, like other Western countries, has approached the PMOI or MEK as a "diplomatic commodity," restrictions upon its work for democracy traded with the Iranian regime in hopes of concessions. Referring to the eight-year investigation undertaken by the French which could find no evidence of terrorism, only resistance, Ambassador Bloomfield also spoke about his own research journey into the nature of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), of which the PMOI or MEK is a major part.

He described his growing realisation of "a global influence operation" by the regime's Intelligence Ministry which had distorted the historical facts. Ambassador Bloomfield said that, caring so much about his government, it was important to him that "they have the right facts," and his challenges to the Administration to prove his analysis incorrect have met with silence.

Speaking of his initial scepticism when he first heard the NCRI's president-elect, Maryam Rajavi, describe the regime as "weak," Ambassador Bloomfield referred to her "sharp political sense" in observing an Iranian government "split about how best to keep power for the regime." It was the "paranoia" of illegitimacy which drove the factional debate and thus demonstrated the underlying weakness of the regime.

Regime change would not come from the outside, but from the Iranian people flowing with the global tide of those insisting that government should serve the people, he said. The West had to confront a regime which undermined it with terror, and "atone" for its ill-informed treatment of the Iranian Resistance.

IRAN NEWS IN BRIEF

Iranian Christian woman, Maryam Zargaran on Day 22 of hunger strik in Iran prison

Christian prisoner of conscious, Maryam Naghash Zargaran

Christian Prisoner Maryam (Nasim) Naghash Zargaran, who has now spent over three weeks on a hunger strike in Iranian prison, has been denied a release on medical grounds by the Iranian regime judiciary, despite reports of her worsening medical condition. 
Her condition due to heart disease and other complication as the result of continued hunger strike has worsened, but the mullah’s regime continues to ignore her sufferings. 
Reports on Monday indicate that the clerical regime Ministry of Intelligence has refused to grant Zargaran's release despite signs that she is developing multiple sclerosis. The Christian woman began her second hunger strike on July 5 in protest against the treatment she has received in prison, and reports are saying that she has become very weak, with her long-term heart condition posing an increasing health risk.
But in spite of her physical and health deterioration, Maryam Zargaran insists on continuing her hunger strike until her demands are met.
Zargaran's family have revealed that she refuses to receive treatment at the prison clinic because staff mistreat and harass her there.
The Iranian Christian woman has been held inside Evin Prison 's Women's Ward since July 15, 2013, for helping American Pastor Saeed Abedini, who also spent three and a half years in prison in Iran before being released and returning to America.
Abedini has been speaking out against the persecution of Christians in Iran and against Zargaran's treatment ever since, and on Saturday wrote on Facebook: 'Today is day 20 of Nasim hunger strike and NO [response] from anyone.'
'So many people (who fought for me) left us in this battle with Nasim alone and never mention her name,' Abedini wrote in June.
He argued that some people often talk about women's rights and issues of abuse, but have left a Christian woman 'in prison and sicknesses behind.'
Prison physicians have examined Zargaran's condition and confirmed in a report that she is suffering from heart disease, and also found signs of the beginning stages of MS. She is also reportedly suffering from severe anemia, diabetes and high blood cholesterol, according to some reports.
Zargaran has called for her 'immediate and unconditional release,' and has spoken out against her illegal arrest, detention and interrogation, which are part of the reason why she went on a hunger strike.
The Christian woman's mother has also been pleading with Iranian authorities to release her daughter because of the serious health issues she suffers, but said that despite speaking with officials every day, she has not received a solid answer from them.
Abedini spoke before 100,000 people in Paris at the National Council of Resistance of Iran rally earlier in July.
'We will soon see this rebellion in our country, in our hearts, and in our world, because Jesus Christ is bringing this message. The resurrection of the Iranian people shall arrive very soon,' the pastor said at the time.

FORMERIRANIAN POLITICAL PRISONER SHARES A PERSONAL MESSAGE WITH THE WORLD

I was a prisoner in the notorious Evin and Gohardasht Prison. I was tortured in prison, only because I was a PMOI supporter.

Democracy appeared poised to sweep Iran after the Islamic Republic’s presidential election in 2009. A sudden surge of political protests for greater democracy gripped the country. Pictures of Iranians in, scarves and face paint, waving peace signs, flooded international news outlets and social media. Despite a harsh crackdown by the regime, millions of Iranians participated, showing the world a pro-democracy resistance still exists in Iran.
Two years before the Arab Spring, the Movement against a corrupt government captured the world’s attention. But the roots of the resistance had been silently spreading in the country for years — and continue to grow to this day.
The year 2009 marked an important moment in the life of Farzad Madadzadeh, too. “I supported PMOI [the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran] in Iran and me and my friend, were arrested in 2009, before the uprising.”
Madadzadeh was not a leader, merely a supporter of PMOI, which is one of the main Iranian resistance movements and a member of the democratic opposition coalition National Council of Resistance of Iran ( NCRI ).

Farzad Madadzadeh was imprisoned by the Iranian simply for daring to support a different political party.

 “I was in prison for five years in Iran,” Madadzadeh said in English. “I was a prisoner in the notoriousEvin Prison and Gohardasht (Rajai-Shahr) Prison in Karaj, northwest of Tehran. I was tortured in prison. The only reason I was being tortured was because I was a PMOIsupporter.”
A translator helped Madadzadeh describe his treatment in jail. “I was arrested and they took me to Ward 209 which is run by the regime’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security. I was in solitary confinement for [a total of] six months. When I was arrested, I spent three months in solitary, the first time, after interrogation.”
The interrogation technique quickly blurred into torture, according to Madadzadeh. “It went on for weeks. It started at 8 a.m. and went on until 9 or 10 p.m. at night… They tortured me in the interrogation room. For example, they asked me questions then battered me like a football. And then they passed me to another person and it would happen all over again. Every interrogation was repeated.”
During his time in prison, Madadzadeh got word that his brother and sister were killed by allies of the regime in Iraq. His translator said, “He and his friend held a small memorial for those killed and because of that they transferred him back to Ward 209 and the torture began once again.”
Despite his horrific treatment, Madadzadeh survived. Others, like the friend arrested with him, were not so lucky. “When I was in prison,” he said, “the regime in Iran executed my friend in prison, and other political prisoners in Iran.” He told Opportunity Lives some of their names: Ali Saremi, Jafar Kazemi and Mohammad-Ali Haj-Aghai.
In 2013, Hassan Rouhani was elected president. “When Rouhani became the president I was still in prison,” Madadzadeh said. “Outside of Iran, a lot of politicians thought there would be some kind of change, but it was the opposite. Things got worse.”
He mentioned the uptick in political prisoners, and executions, both supported by data from the U.N. and human rights organizations. “When I was in prison, we witnessed more arrests of students and journalists,” Madadzadeh said. “The teachers were also arrested; many who tried to hold protests. They were cracked down upon and arrested and brought to where we were held.”
“We felt from the moment that Rouhani came to office executions suddenly increased.” Madadzadeh noted. “It’s about three years since he has been in office, and [there have been] 2,600 executions since then.”
Madadzadeh also accused Rouhani of failing to follow through on economic promises. “Rouhani made a promise that within 100 days of taking office he would turn the economy around, but it did not improve, everything got worse,” he said.
When improvements did not occur, Madadzadeh says Rouhani passed the blame. “He said everything was tied to the nuclear deal and issues with sanctions… that the nuclear deal would benefit us, our dinner tables,” Madadzadeh explained. “But what I witnessed inside Iran is that within the last two years, the price of everything went up, despite the official government figures. The only benefit of lifting sanctions is for [Bashar al-Assad] and Hezbollah. They have been on the receiving end.”
The Iranian nuclear deal is now one year old, but Madadzadeh said the past year shows that it hasn’t made Iran’s government more moderate, or brought the economic stability Rouhani promised. He said the Iranian people know this, too.
“It is a mirage to look for a moderate in this regime because it is based on the pillars of terrorism and human rights violations,” Madadzadeh said.
That’s why Madadzadeh escaped to Europe as soon as he completed his prison sentence.
“I have never been any sort of leader and I never claimed to be. I’m just a small member of the resistance trying to do my bit. I saw many of my friends executed, so I could not just say silent,” he said.

Madadzadeh, pictured receiving an award for his work to protect human rights, was able to escape to Europe after his prison sentenct.

But in order to make his story known, Madadzadeh said he needed to be connected with the resistance. It wasn’t easy. From the moment he was released, Iranian authorities had him under constant surveillance.
“The only option for me that was left was to go abroad and bring their voice to the international community,” he said. “In particular, the voice of the young Iranians, that would like to inform Western politicians that they want change.”
In his message to the West, Madadzadeh wants Americans to know that “The people of Iran are not asking for any agreement, even a nuclear agreement… the people of Iran are looking for a change in the regime… and to learn of their plight and feel their pain and stand on the side of the people. Iranians showed it in 2009 that they want regime change. The Iranian people do not want a military invasion of Iran or for Americans to overthrow the regime for us, but we want them stop assisting the regime and cut ties.”
Madadzadeh along with other former political prisoners, members of PMOI and international leaders from around the world met in Paris on July 9 for a “Free Iran” conference. Personally, Madadzadeh hopes the meeting shed more light on the Iranian resistance movement, especially for Western leaders and U.S. officials.
One of those leaders in attendance was former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.), who told the crowd, “I want you to know that the message I will take home to America is that there are thousands and thousands of Iranians: who are prepared, who are ready, who are committed, and who believe that we can truly bring democracy to Iran.”
Gingrich stood on stage with former U.N. Ambassador John Bolton, who echoed his statement. “There is only one answer here, to support legitimate opposition groups that favor overthrowing the dictatorship in Iran,” Bolton said. “It should be a declared policy of the U.S. and all our friends to do just that at the earliest opportunity.”
Many other Americans, including high-ranking retired military leaders voiced their support.
“I hope in these few days… the West heard the real voice of Iran,” Madadzadeh said. “This is the true voice of the people. If Western governments want to fall on the right side of history, they should hear the voice of the Iranian people and their resistance movement… people who for many, many years forewent everything, even their livelihood, for their people and their nation.”